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Saturday, October 27, 2007

Standing against persecution

Johann Hari has been doing something useful for a change:
[Mina Ahadi, founder of the German branch of the Council for Ex-Muslims] was amazed to find that even in Europe, Islamist groups were being treated as the respected spokesmen for all Muslims by politicians and journalists. Even here, the extreme wing threatened her with death for forming the International Committee Against Stoning to save women, and the police did little. On her visit to Britain, they offered her no protection at all.

If Christian fundamentalists were doing this – as they used to, and would like to again – none of us would hesitate in erupting in rage. But because Islamic fundamentalists are doing it, we feel awkward, and fall silent. The only difference is the colour of their skin. There is a word for this: racism.

Women like Mina expose a hole in the stale logic of multiculturalism. She shows that secularism is not a ‘Western’ value: she thought of it all by herself, in a rural village in Iran. Yet the attitudes that lead to the persecution of apostates are widespread even within British Islam, because we patronisingly assume it is ‘their culture’ and do not challenge it. Some 36 percent of British Muslims between the ages of 18 and 24 think apostates should be murdered. The younger British Muslims are, the more they believe it – a bad sign for the future, unless we start arguing back. This isn’t just kids sounding off. Some act on it: a Despatches documentary earlier this year, ‘Unholy War’, found dozens of cases of apostates having their cars blown up, their kids threatened and even being beaten and left for dead, on British streets...

But one way to keep up the pressure for this reform within Islam is to have a thriving movement of ex-Muslims. They demonstrate to ordinary Muslims that if they are appalled by the unreformed bigotry of their faith as it currently stands, there is a rich and rewarding alternative – secular humanism.

If we in Europe do not defend people like Ehsan [Jami, Mina's Dutch counterpart] and Maryam [Namazie, the founder of the British Council for Ex-Muslims] and Mina who are fighting fundamentalist thugs for the basic human right to believe and say what they want, do we even deserve these rights for ourselves?

This, of course, is absolutely correct and incontrovertible.  Yet somehow, even when Hari is right, he contrives to be wrong.  For one thing, this remark:
If Christian fundamentalists were doing this – as they used to, and would like to again – none of us would hesitate in erupting in rage.
"This" in this context refers to the stoning of women.  Regardless of what may have happened in the distant past, is there any evidence at all that Christian fundamentalists anywhere are stockpiling stones for an assault on international feminism?  Of course not - but Hari cannot resist letting his inner "student journalist" come out to play.

Hari then turns to the situation in the Netherlands:
Ehsan Jami is an intelligent, softly-spoken 22 year-old council member for the Dutch Labour Party. He believes there should be no compromise, ever, on the rights of women and gay people and novelists and cartoonists. He became sick of hearing self-appointed Islamist organisations claiming to speak for him when they called for the banning of books and the “right” to abuse women. So he set up the Dutch Council of Ex-Muslims. Their manifesto called for secularism – and the end to the polite toleration of Islamist intolerance. As he put it: “We want people to be free to choose who they want to be and what they want to believe in.”

Ehsan was immediately threatened with death. He was kicked to the ground outside the supermarket. He was grabbed in a street with a knife put to his throat. He can’t afford to be glib about the risk: he remembers the daylight decapitation of Theo Van Gough on the streets of Amsterdam. Yet instead of rallying to Ehsan, his party condemned him. The Dutch Vice-Prime Minister Wouter Bos said they disapproved of an organisation that “offends Muslims and their faith”.

Aside from the fact that Hari get's the man's name wrong, Theo van Gogh was not, quite, decapitated.  Nevertheless, the craven response of the Dutch estabishment with regard to Ehsan Jami and his organisation has recently been amplified internationally by the current controversy over the Dutch government's withdrawal of protection from van Gogh's colleague, Ayaan Hirsi Ali.  For some reason, Hari does not find Ayaan's case worthy of comment.  We would hope that this oversight is not for some petty political reason (Ayaan has associated more with the political right than the left in recent years, and is still employed by the American Enterprise Institute).

It has to be admitted that the political left in this country has been slow off the mark both in Ayaan's case, and with respect to the situation of Ex-Muslims and Muslim dissidents generally.  Johann Hari is to be commended for raising the issue, but he really ought to follow through.  In France, a group of intellectuals have written to the traditionally centre-left Libération newspaper demanding that asylum be extended to Ayaan Hirsi Ali.  Why is the same not happening here?  There are enough honourable journalists on the progressive left that know the score: what has David Aaronovitch to say on the matter?  Oliver Kamm?  Nick Cohen?  Two Conservative MPs, Michael Gove and Paul Goodman, have put down a motion in the House of Commons on the matter.  Douglas Murray of the Centre for Social Cohesion, Charles Moore of the Spectator, Melanie Phillips and Daniel Finkelstein have all been vocal.  Why is it left to the political right to make the running on this issue?  It's time for all progressives to stand together against persecution.